later Abyssinia) belong to the first century A.D., and that we cannot seriously speak of Christianity in those parts before the age of Constantine. The story of Frumentius given by Rufinus (Hist. Eccl. i. c. 9), and repeated by Sozomen (ii. c. 24) and others, is well known. Frumentius and Ædesius were taken as youths by Merope, a philosopher, to visit India. On the return journey the vessel was compelled to put into some port, where the crew were murdered, the two boys alone being saved alive. They were made slaves in the service of the king of the country. By their fidelity they gained his favour and their liberty. They were, however, prevailed upon to remain and undertake the education of the king's son, and later to take charge of the affairs of the kingdom during his minority. During this time Frumentius made inquiries as to whether there were any Christians or Romans in the country, and finding that there were such he treated them with kindness and benevolence. At length both were free to return to their native land. Ædesius returned to Tyre, where he became a presbyter. Frumentius, with the Christians of those far regions on his heart, made his way to Alexandria and laid the matter before Athanasius the bishop. By him and the Alexandrian Church Frumentius was ordained bishop and sent back to take charge of the Church in the country of his sojourn.

The scene of this story is laid in India. By the early Church Historians, however, India is used in a very loose sense, and frequently refers to South Arabia and the lands around

the Red Sea. It is assumed here to refer to Abyssinia. Dillmann indeed thinks that Rufinus' story refers to India proper. He finds difficulty also with the date usually assigned to Frumentius' mission to Abyssinia. What is certain is that (as we learn from Athanasius' Apology), in A.D. 356, Frumentius was bishop in Axum. It looks as if he had been but recently appointed. For Constantius is moving to have him recalled and Athanasius is protesting. Both parties, the Athanasians and the Arians, or semi-Arians, whom the Emperor Constantius favoured, were perhaps seeking at that time to extend their influence. Frumentius is on the Athanasian side, and the Arians wish to counteract the spread of that type of doctrine in those parts. It agrees with this, too, that the position of Christianity in Abyssinia in the period which followed was by no means so commanding as we should expect were the story of Rufinus literally true as referring to Abyssinia. We hear nothing more of Christianity in Abyssinia for another hundred years. The king, Ta-Zena, whose date is probably about the end of the fifth century, appears in one inscription as a pagan, in another as a Christian, so that we may assume that the religion of the reigning house was pagan up to his time. Further, we hear of a conversion of Abyssinia to Christianity in the reign of a certain Aidug, whom Fell (Z.D.M.G. 35) identifies with the predecessor of Ta-Zena, Ela-Amida. John of Ephesus (Assemani, B.O. i. 362 seq.) relates that this Aidug, following upon a vow made in prospect of a military expedition to South Arabia,